Ealdred 37

Ealdred Archbishop of York (d. 1069)
Male
SDB
4 of 5

Name

Ealdred
Ealdred 56

Summary

Ealdred 37 was bishop of Worcester (1046−1062), archbishop of York (1060−1069), and was connected with several other religious houses during a long and influential career: he trained as a monk of New Minster, Winchester; was abbot of Tavistock (c. 1027−c. 1043); acted as abbot of Winchcombe (1053−1054) and St Peter’s, Gloucester (in the late 1050s) during vacancies; and controlled the bishoprics of Ramsbury (c. 1055−1058) and Hereford (1056−1060), also during vacancies. He was one of Edward the Confessor’s most trusted servants, undertaking diplomatic missions on his behalf to Rome (in 1050 and 1061) and Cologne (in 1054), and arranging peace between King Edward and Earl Swein Godwineson (in 1050), and King Gruffudd ap Llewellyn of Wales (in 1056). He was closely involved with matters relating to royal succession from 1054 onwards, and officiated at the coronations of kings Harold II and William I in 1066. There is plentiful evidence of Ealdred’s cultural and liturgical interests: a contemporary described him as ‘the lamp of the metropolitan church of York, a shining light in a dark place’, and it is demonstrable that he was responsible for a range of building projects and reform initiatives both there and elsewhere. According to Domesday Book, Ealdred held estates worth about £320 and exercised lordship over estates worth about £100 per annum; but these figures almost certainly underestimate the scale of his holdings in 1066, since they exclude several valuable manors which formed part of the endowment of the church of Worcester and which Ealdred controlled at that date; and there are grounds for thinking that Domesday Book understates the amount of land held from Ealdred in dependent tenure TRE.

Distribution map of property and lordships associated with this name in DB

List of property and lordships associated with this name in DB

Holder 1066

Shire Phil. ref. Vill DB Spelling Holder 1066 Lord 1066 Tenant-in-Chief 1086 1086 Subtenant Fiscal Value 1066 Value 1086 Value Conf. Show on Map
Devon 5,12 Denbury Ældret Ealdred, archbishop of York - Geoffrey, abbot of Tavistock - 0.50 0.50 2.00 A Map
Devon 5,13 Coffinswell Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Geoffrey, abbot of Tavistock Grento 'of Coffinswell' 2.00 2.00 4.00 B Map
Gloucestershire 1,2 Brawn Ældred Ealdred, archbishop of York Edward, king William, king Miles Crispin 0.75 0.77 1.73 A Map
Gloucestershire 2,10 Standish - Ealdred, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester Thomas, archbishop of York Serlo, abbot of Gloucester 1.00 1.07 0.80 C Map
Gloucestershire 2,10 Standish - Ealdred, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester Thomas, archbishop of York Hugh, earl 1.00 1.07 0.80 C Map
Gloucestershire 2,10 Standish - Ealdred, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester 10.00 10.67 8.00 C Map
Gloucestershire 2,10 Standish - Ealdred, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester Thomas, archbishop of York Durand of Gloucester 3.00 3.20 2.40 C Map
Gloucestershire 2,8 Northleach - Ealdred, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester 12.00 9.00 13.00 C Map
Gloucestershire 2,8 Upper Coberley - Ealdred, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester 1.00 1.00 1.00 C Map
Gloucestershire 2,8 Stowell - Ealdred, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester 0.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Gloucestershire 2,8 Northleach - Ealdred, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester Thomas, archbishop of York Walter fitzPons 12.00 9.00 14.00 C Map
Gloucestershire 41,1 Hampnett Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Roger d'Ivry - 10.00 8.00 6.00 A Map
Hampshire 4,1 Mottisfont - Ealdred, archbishop of York Edward, king Thomas, archbishop of York - 4.75 4.00 4.13 B Map
Leicestershire 2,1 Tur Langton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York Walkelin, nephew of Bishop Walkelin of Winchester 13.00 1.00 3.00 B Map
Leicestershire 2,2 Tur Langton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York Walkelin, nephew of Bishop Walkelin of Winchester 3.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Leicestershire C7 Leicester - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Nottinghamshire 12,23 Carlton on Trent - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Geoffrey Alselin - 0.25 0.40 0.15 - Map
Nottinghamshire 5,1 Southwell - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 12.87 22.89 23.32 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,1 Southwell - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York 2 Englishmen 3.63 6.44 6.57 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,1 Southwell - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York 6 knights 4.50 8.00 8.50 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,1 Southwell - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York 3 clerks 1.50 2.67 2.72 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,10 Calverton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.75 2.00 2.00 B Map
Nottinghamshire 5,2 North Muskham - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,4 Laneham - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 9.25 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,5 South Muskham and Little Carlton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 4.63 0.80 0.50 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,7 Sutton and Scrooby and Lound - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.75 8.00 8.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,8 Eaton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 2.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,8 Scaftworth - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,8 Tiln - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.28 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,8 Welham and Simenton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.66 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,8 Little Gringely - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.16 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,8 Clarborough - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.81 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,8 Everton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.04 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,9 Blidworth - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.13 0.00 0.00 A Map
Nottinghamshire S5 - - Ealdred, archbishop of York - - - 0.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2A1 Patrington - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 35.81 30.00 10.25 B Map
Yorkshire 2A2 Swine - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 10.25 5.00 2.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2A3 Burnby - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York Geoffrey 'of Easthorpe' 4.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2B1 Sherburn - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed knights of Thomas, archbishop of York 52.00 18.58 18.58 C Map
Yorkshire 2B1 Sherburn - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York 2 clerks 6.00 2.14 2.14 C Map
Yorkshire 2B1 Sherburn - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 31.00 11.08 11.08 B Map
Yorkshire 2B1 Sherburn - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York Benedict, abbot of Selby 7.00 2.50 2.50 C Map
Yorkshire 2B10 Wetwang Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 13.50 4.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B11 Bolton Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B11 Gowthorpe Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B11 Fridaythorpe Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2B11 Youlthorpe Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B11 Greenwick Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B11 Fridaythorpe Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B11 Bishop Wilton Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 25.88 14.00 4.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B13 Barmby Moor and Millington Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 10.25 5.00 2.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B14 Aike - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.75 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2B18 Ulchitorp Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B18 Sutton Grange Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.50 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B18 Birdsall Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 2.50 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B18 Thirkelby Manor Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B18 East and West Lutton Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 8.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B18 Sherburn Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 3.00 1.62 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B18 Low Mowthorpe Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 5.00 2.69 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B18 Weaverthorpe Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 18.00 9.69 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B18 North Grimston Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York Walkelin, nephew of Bishop Walkelin of Winchester 3.50 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B2 York (near the city) - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 15.00 8.00 10.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2B3 Elloughton and Wauldby Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York Godwine 'of Elloughton' 17.00 7.00 5.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B4 Walkington Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 8.13 2.00 1.50 A Map
Yorkshire 2B5 North Cave Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 1.75 0.53 0.53 A Map
Yorkshire 2B6 North and South Newbald Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 28.25 24.00 10.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B7 Riccall Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 2.00 5.00 1.50 A Map
Yorkshire 2B9 Goodmanham Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B9 Londesborough Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B9 Towthorpe Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2B9 Everingham Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York 2 clerks and 1 knight 14.00 14.00 6.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2E1 Beverley - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.00 24.00 14.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2E1 Bishop Burton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 16.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E12 Middleton-on-the-Wolds Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 5.75 2.00 1.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2E18 Wawne - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 2.25 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E19 Weel - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 2.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E2 South Dalton Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 12.00 4.00 2.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2E20 Tickton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E21 Eske - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 2.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E22 Storkhill - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E9 Molescroft - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.50 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W10 Bridge Hewick - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2W11 Copt Hewick - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 2.00 0.25 0.40 C Map
Yorkshire 2W12 Skelton near Boroughbridge - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 8.00 5.05 0.21 C Map
Yorkshire 2W12 Great Givendale - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 11.00 6.95 0.29 C Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Otley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 53.75 10.00 3.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Stubham Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Middleton Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Denton Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Pool Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Guiseley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Hawksworth Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Clifton Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Farnley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Little Hawksworth Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Ectone Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Ilkley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W4 Nether Timble Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W6 Ulleskelf Eld' Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York William de Verly 12.88 5.00 4.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Sawley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Markington Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Herleshow (How Hill) Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 High Grantley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Knaresford Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Wilsill Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Eavestone Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Bishop Thornton Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Killinghall Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Nidd Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Westwick Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Ripon, St Wilfrids League Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 37.25 31.70 7.19 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Littlethorpe Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W7 Eastwick Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 1.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W8 North Stainley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 3.50 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W8 Studley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 4.00 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W8 Aldfield Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 0.25 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W8 Sutton Grange Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 3.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W8 Sutheuuic Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 3.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2W8 East Stainley Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 3.50 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W8 Sleningford Eldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York - 3.50 0.00 0.00 A Map
Yorkshire 2W9 Nunwick - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Thomas, archbishop of York Reynold 'of Nunwick' 5.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 6N142 Howgrave - Ealdred, archbishop of York - Alan, count Thomas, archbishop of York 2.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire C1a York - Ealdred, archbishop of York - William, king Thomas, archbishop of York 0.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire C1b York - Ealdred, archbishop of York - William, king Thomas, archbishop of York 0.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire C21 York - Ealdred, archbishop of York - William, king Thomas, archbishop of York 0.00 0.00 0.00 B Map
Yorkshire C22 York - Ealdred, archbishop of York - William, king Thomas, archbishop of York 6.00 0.80 0.15 B Map
Yorkshire C30 Clifton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - William, king Thomas, archbishop of York 0.31 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire C33 Skelton - Ealdred, archbishop of York - William, king Thomas, archbishop of York 3.00 0.30 0.00 - Map
Yorkshire CW22 Hexthorpe Aldred Ealdred, archbishop of York - - - 0.00 0.00 0.00 - Map
Totals

Lord 1066

Shire Phil. ref. Vill DB Spelling Holder 1066 Lord 1066 Tenant-in-Chief 1086 1086 Subtenant Fiscal Value 1066 Value 1086 Value Conf. Show on Map
Gloucestershire 2,4 Oddington and Condicote - Monks of Gloucester Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed monks of Gloucester 10.00 6.00 10.00 C Map
Gloucestershire 32,6 Huntley Ældred Alwine 'of Huntley' Ealdred, archbishop of York William fitzBaderon - 2.00 2.00 1.50 A Map
Lincolnshire 57,46 Skillington - Colbert 'of Skillington' Ealdred, archbishop of York Guy de Craon - 1.00 1.00 1.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 11,15 Fiskerton - Swein Cild Ealdred, archbishop of York Walter d'Ancourt - 0.50 0.00 0.00 - Map
Nottinghamshire 11,16 Morton - Swein Cild Ealdred, archbishop of York Walter d'Ancourt - 0.50 0.00 0.00 - Map
Nottinghamshire 11,17 Farnsfield - Swein Cild Ealdred, archbishop of York Walter d'Ancourt - 0.25 0.25 0.40 - Map
Nottinghamshire 12,22 Knapthorpe - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Geoffrey Alselin - 0.06 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 13,13 Morton - Leofnoth son of Osmund Ealdred, archbishop of York Ralph fitzHubert - 0.69 0.70 0.70 - Map
Nottinghamshire 13,13 Gibsmere - Leofnoth son of Osmund Ealdred, archbishop of York Ralph fitzHubert - 0.69 0.70 0.70 - Map
Nottinghamshire 5,13 Norwell - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Southwell 1.50 6.00 5.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,14 Osmanthorpe - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Southwell 0.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,15 Willoughby - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Southwell 0.44 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,16 Caunton - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Southwell 0.25 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,17 Hockerton - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Southwell 0.13 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,18 Woodborough - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Southwell 0.88 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,19 Woodborough - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York 1 clerk 0.13 0.00 0.00 C Map
Nottinghamshire 5,3 Cropwell Bishop and Hickling - unnamed canons of Southwell in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Southwell 2.50 3.00 2.50 C Map
Worcestershire 2,20 Bradley Green Eldredus 1 reeve Ealdred, archbishop of York Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester Æthelric the archdeacon 1.00 1.00 1.00 B Map
Worcestershire 2,24 Cutsdean - Doda 'of Sedgeberrow' Ealdred, archbishop of York Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester Æthelric the archdeacon 2.00 1.50 1.50 B Map
Worcestershire 2,32 Earls Croome Eldredus Godric Finc Ealdred, archbishop of York Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester Ordric 'of Earls Croome' 1.00 1.00 2.00 B Map
Yorkshire 2B12 Grindale - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York - 4.00 1.50 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2B15 Low Caythorpe - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 4.00 0.50 0.40 C Map
Yorkshire 2E1 Skidby - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 15.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E1 Beverley - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 0.00 20.00 20.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E10 Kelleythorpe - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 0.25 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E11 Kipling Cotes - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 2.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E13 Leconfield - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 0.25 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E15 Garton-on-the-Wolds - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 4.50 1.13 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E16 Ruston Parva - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 4.00 0.13 0.13 C Map
Yorkshire 2E16 Lowthorpe - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 4.50 0.13 0.13 C Map
Yorkshire 2E16 Haisthorpe - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 4.00 0.13 0.13 C Map
Yorkshire 2E17 Bentley near Beverley - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 2.00 1.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E23 Weeton - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 2.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E23 Welwick - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 4.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E24 Grimston in Garton - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 2.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E25 Monkwith - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 2.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E26 Ottringham - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 6.50 0.50 0.50 C Map
Yorkshire 2E27 Bilton near Hull - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E28 Burton Constable - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 5.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E29 West Newton in Aldbrough - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E3 East and West Flotmanby - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 0.13 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E30 Flinton - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 0.75 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E31 Danthorpe - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E32 Withernwick - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E33 Routh - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.88 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E34 Sutton-on-Hull - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.13 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E35 Drypool - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E35 Southcoates - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E36 Great Cowden - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 9.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E37 Rise - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 0.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E38 Sigglesthorne - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 8.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E39 Catwick - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E4 Risby - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 6.00 0.00 0.00 D Map
Yorkshire 2E40 Brandesburton - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E41 Leven - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 6.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2E5 Lockington - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 2.50 0.50 0.40 C Map
Yorkshire 2E6 Etton - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 8.00 0.50 0.40 C Map
Yorkshire 2E7 Raventhorpe [in Cherry Burton] - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 3.00 0.50 0.60 C Map
Yorkshire 2E9 Molescroft - unnamed canons of Beverley in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of Beverley in 1086 1.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N1 Wykeham Hill - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 0.50 0.00 0.00 D Map
Yorkshire 2N16 High Belthorpe - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 4.00 0.21 0.29 C Map
Yorkshire 2N17 Gate Helmsley - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 4.25 0.23 0.30 C Map
Yorkshire 2N18 Warthill - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.16 0.21 C Map
Yorkshire 2N19 Carlton in Stockton on the Forest - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.16 0.21 C Map
Yorkshire 2N20 Marton In Sewerby - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.50 0.42 C Map
Yorkshire 2N21 Stillington - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 10.00 2.00 0.50 C Map
Yorkshire 2N22 Haxby - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 6.13 1.00 0.50 C Map
Yorkshire 2N23 Tollerton - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 8.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N24 Alne - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 8.00 2.50 2.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N25 Tholthorpe - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N25 Helperby - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 5.00 0.50 0.30 C Map
Yorkshire 2N25 Myton on Swale - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 2.26 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N25 Youlton - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N26 Helperby - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N27 Strensall - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 2.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N27 Strensall - Thorkil 'of Strensall' Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 2.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N28 Towthorpe - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N29 Earswick - Godric 'of Earswick' Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 1.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N29 Earswick - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 1.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N30 Corburn in Wiggington - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N5 East Newton in Stonegrave - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 4.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2W1 Warmfield - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York Ilbert de Lacy 9.00 7.00 2.25 C Map
Yorkshire 2W13 Hutton Conyers - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 0.25 0.05 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2W13 Hashundbei in Sharrow - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 2.00 0.38 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2W13 Markington - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 0.50 0.10 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2W13 South Stainley - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 0.50 0.10 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2W13 Howgrave - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 2.00 0.38 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2W2 Upper Poppleton - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York - 8.00 2.00 0.93 C Map
Yorkshire 2W3 Acomb - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 14.50 1.50 1.50 C Map
Yorkshire 2W5 Grafton - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.50 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire C23 Murton - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York William, king unnamed canons of York in 1086 4.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire C23 Osbaldwick - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York William, king unnamed canons of York in 1086 6.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire C24 Stockton on the Forest - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York William, king unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire C25 Sandburn - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York William, king Ralph Paynel 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire C30 Clifton - unnamed canons of York in 1066 Ealdred, archbishop of York William, king Thomas, archbishop of York 8.50 0.47 0.47 C Map
Totals

Lord 2 1066

Shire Phil. ref. Vill DB Spelling Holder 1066 Lord 1066 Tenant-in-Chief 1086 1086 Subtenant Fiscal Value 1066 Value 1086 Value Conf. Show on Map
Warwickshire 3,4 Alveston Eldred 4 sons of Beorhtwine Leofric, earl Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester - 5.00 2.67 5.00 A Map
Warwickshire 3,4 Alveston Eldred Eadmær son of Beorhtwine Leofric, earl Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester - 1.25 0.67 1.25 A Map
Warwickshire 3,4 Alveston Eldred Leofwine son of Beorhtwine Leofric, earl Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester - 1.25 0.67 1.25 A Map
Yorkshire 2N26 Helperby - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N27 Strensall - Thorkil 'of Strensall' Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 2.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N27 Strensall - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 2.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N28 Towthorpe - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N29 Earswick - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 1.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N29 Earswick - Godric 'of Earswick' Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 1.50 0.00 0.00 C Map
Yorkshire 2N30 Corburn in Wiggington - Seaxfrith the deacon Ealdred, archbishop of York Thomas, archbishop of York unnamed canons of York in 1086 3.00 0.00 0.00 C Map
Totals

Profile

Career



Little is known about Ealdred’s family background. His career followed a similar trajectory to that of Lyfing, who was also abbot of Tavistock and later bishop of Worcester, and for this reason it has been suggested that they may have been kinsmen (King 1996: 123−6). Twelfth-century sources record that Ealdred was a monk of Winchester before he was appointed abbot of Tavistock in c. 1027 (Winterbottom 2007: 380; Darlington and McGurk 1995: 542; Raine 1879−94: ii. 344). Otherwise, Ealdred’s early career is opaque. His name does not occur in the witness lists of the known charters of Cnut, Harold I or Harthacnut (Keynes 1998: Tables 66−8), but does occur among the bishops who subscribed three royal diplomas issued in 1044 (S 1003, 1004, 1005). It is probable that he was then acting as suffragan to Lyfing, who held the sees of Devon and Cornwall as well as Worcester in plurality at this date. Ealdred appears to have resigned the abbacy of Tavistock by the mid 1040s, since his successor there, Abbot Sihtric, subscribed a Sherborne charter datable 1045 x 1046 (S1474).

Ealdred was appointed bishop of Worcester when Lyfing died on 23 March 1046 (Whitelock 1961: 109). This is the first of many details relating to Ealdred’s career supplied by the ‘D-text’ of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Indeed, these details are sufficiently vivid and plentiful to commend the view that the mid-eleventh-century annals in ‘D’ were originally composed by a member of his entourage, probably under his auspices (see most recently Baxter 2007: 1191−2, 1215).

The bishopric of Worcester brought with it military responsibility, and in July 1049 a fleet of 36 ships ‘came up the Usk from Ireland and did damage in those parts with the help of Gruffud [ab Rhydderch], the Welsh king’. John of Worcester records that this force crossed the Wye and burnt Dymedham (perhaps Tidenham in Gloucestershire), and that ‘Bishop Ealdred of Worcester and a few men from Gloucestershire and Herefordshire’ prepared to confront it; but according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, his army was surprised at dawn of 29 July and ‘killed many good men there’ before Ealdred escaped (Whitelock 1961: 114; Darlington and McGurk 1995: 552−3). In 1050, Ealdred was sent by King Edward with Herman, bishop of Ramsbury to attend an Easter synod convened by the pope in Rome (Whitelock 1961: 115, 116). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle does not describe the purpose of this mission, but later lives of Edward the Confessor say that Ealdred was to ask the pope to release King Edward from a vow he had made to go on pilgrimage (Luard 1858: 70). It was presumably on his return from Rome that Ealdred facilitated the reconciliation of King Edward and Earl Swein, who had been disgraced in 1049 before escaping into exile in Flanders (Darlington and McGurk 1995: 550; Raine 1879−94: ii. 344). Upon his return, Ealdred witnessed a royal diploma issued by King Edward confirming the amalgamation of the bishoprics of Cornwall and Devon and the transfer of its seat to Exeter (S 1021). The diploma makes all this known to Pope Leo, which suggests that Ealdred had been sent to Rome inter alia to obtain papal dispensation for this transfer (King 1996: 127).

The following year, England became engulfed in a political crisis which reached a climax in September 1051, when Earl Godwine and his sons were sent into exile. Earl Harold fled towards Bristol, intending to escape from there to Ireland; and according to ‘D’, ‘the king sent Ealdred from London with a force, and they were to intercept him before he got on board, but they could not − or would not’ (Whitelock 1961: 120). This, taken together with the fact that Ealdred assisted in the restoration of Earl Swein the previous year and that he eventually crowned Harold has prompted the suggestion that he was an ally of the house of Godwine (Barlow 1963: 87; King 1996: 125). That is possible; but the general pattern of Ealdred’s known actions commends the view that his principal political loyalties lay with the king rather than with any particular factional group at court. In this connection it is relevant that, whereas the ‘C-text’ of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle tends to favour to the earls of Mercia, and the ‘E-text’ tends to favour the house of Godwine, ‘D’ tends not to be less partisan and more royalist in tone (Baxter 2007). D’s treatment of Ealdred’s pursuit of Harold is arguably a case in point.

In 1053, following the death of Abbot Godwine of Winchcombe Ealdred kept the abbacy in his own hands until he appointed Godric, the king’s chaplain, as abbot on 17 July 1054 (Whitelock 1961: 127−8; Darlington and McGurk 1995: 574−5; Raine 1879−94: ii. 345). The annal for 1054 in ‘D’ records that ‘Bishop Ealdred went overseas to Cologne on the king’s business and there was received with great honour by the emperor, and he stayed there for nearly a year, and the bishop of Cologne and the emperor both gave him entertainment’ (Whitelock 1961: 129). The same annal says that Ealdred permitted Bishop Leofwine to consecrate the monastic church of Evesham on 10 October 1054, presumably in Ealdred’s absence.

Later sources shed further light on the nature and purpose of Ealdred’s visit. John of Worcester identifies his host as Herimann, archbishop of Cologne (1036−56). It also says that Ealdred ‘proposed to the emperor, on the king’s behalf, that an embassy should be sent to Hungary in order to escort back from there the king’s nephew Edward, that is the son of King Edmund Ironside, and bring him to England’ (Darlington and McCurk 1995: 574−77). Ealdred appears to have been much impressed by imperial court culture, and there is good evidence that he brought much of what he saw and learned there back to England (see below).

Ealdred was entrusted with the see of Ramsbury following the resignation of Bishop Herman in 1055, and held it until Hereman’s return in 1058 (Raine 1879−94: ii. 345 ). In April 1056, Bishop Ealdred dedicated a chapel built by Earl Odda at Deerhurst in memory of his brother Ælfric. The dedication stone for this chapel survives, and reads as follows: ‘Earl Odda ordered this royal church to be built and dedicated in honour of the Holy Trinity for the soul of his brother Ælfric which [was] taken up from this place. And Ealdred was the bishop who dedicated the same on 12 April in the fourteenth year of the reign of Eadward, king of the English’ (Okasha 1971: 64). A few weeks later, Ealdred was called upon to negotiate peace between the English and King Gruffudd ap Llewelyn of Wales, whose army had killed Bishop Leofgar of Hereford and Ælfnoth the sheriff among other in battle on 16 June 1056. Ealdred also succeeded to the see of Hereford thus vacated, holding it until 1060 (Whitelock 1961: 132−3; Raine 1879−94: ii. 344). For two years, between 1056 and 1058, Ealdred controlled three bishoprics: Worcester, Hereford and Ramsbury: an arrangement Barlow describes as ‘a sort of ecclesiastical palatinate in the March’ (Barlow 1963: 87). During his time at Hereford, King Edward addressed a writ-charter to Ealdred and the Herefordshire shire court granting the priests of St Æthelbert, Hereford, rights of sake and soke over their lands (S 1101). Later that summer, Ealdred consecrated Earl Odda as a monk at Pershore shortly before he died at Deerhurst on 31 August (Darlington and McGurk 1995: 580−1; Raine 1879−94: ii. 345).

King Edward’s plan to bring the Edward Ætheling and his family to England came to fruition in 1057, but as ‘D’ puts it: ‘We do not know for what reason it was brought about that he was not allowed to see … his kinsman King Edward (Whitelock 1961: 133; for context, see Keynes 1985).

In 23 April 1058, when the king was ‘holding his court in the presence of many leading men of this country’, Ealdred consecrated Æthelwig abbot of Evesham (Sayers and Watkiss 2003: 160). In the same year, ‘Bishop Ealdred consecrated the monastic church at Gloucester that he himself brought to completion to the glory of God and of St Peter’ (Whitelock 1961: 134). John of Worcester adds that Ealdred built the church a fundamentis (‘from the foundations’), and that he later ‘established there as abbot, by royal license a certain Wilstan, whom he had ordained as monk of Worcester’ (Darlington and McGurk 1995: 584−5). A cartulary of St Peter’s Gloucester further records that Ealdred held the monastery during a vacancy; that Ealdred’s successor as abbot there was one of his kinsmen; that Ealdred took (abstulit) four of its estates causa magis hospitii quam operis sui (these being Leche, Odynton, Standlische cum Bertona); and that he appropriated these estates for the church of York when he was elevated to that see (Hart 1863−67: i. 9, ii. 112, 115). Ealdred also resigned the bishopric of Ramsbury following the return of Bishop Hereman in 1058. Then, according to ‘D’, he ‘went to Jerusalem in such a state as none before him, and there he committed himself to God, and also offered a worthy gift for our Lord’s tomb. It was a golden chalice worth 5 marks, of very wonderful workmanship’ (Whitelock 1961: 134). John of Worcester adds that Ealdred went via Hungary on his way to Jerusalem. It is possible that he went there to deliver the news of Edward the Exile’s death, and perhaps to arrange for Edward the Exile’s son, Edgar Ætheling, to go to England. It was presumably on this trip that Ealdred was nearly shipwrecked in a storm in the Adriatic (Wilmart 1938: 279−80). Following his return to England in 1059, Ealdred received a royal diploma granting him land in St Keverne, Cornwall (S 1027).

Archbishop Cynesige died on 22 December 1060, and Ealdred was elected to replace him on Christmas day. Ealdred resigned the bishopric of Hereford to Walter of Lotharingia, but retained control of Worcester (Whitelock 1961: 135; Darlington and McGurk 1995: 586−7; Raine 1879−94: ii. 347). This was not unusual: his predecessor’s Oswald (971−992), Eadwulf (995−1002), Wulfstan (1002−1023) and Ælfric Puttoc (1023−1051) had held Worcester and York in plurality for some or all of their archiepiscopates, partly as a way of augmenting York’s relatively modest endowment. But in Ealdred’s case, this proved controversial with the papacy. Ealdred went to Rome together with earls Tostig and Gyrth and bishops elect Wulfwig of Dorchester and Giso of Wells to collect his pallium in 1061; but Pope Nicholas there found Ealdred guilty of simony and of holding Worcester and York in plurality, refused to give him the pallium, and stripped him of all his honours. Ealdred had no choice but to turn home, but shortly after leaving Rome his entourage was attacked by brigands; and when Ealdred returned to Rome, Nicholas took pity upon him, restored him to his archbishopric and gave him the pallium on the condition that he resigned the bishopric of Worcester (Barlow 1992: 52−6; Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 40−3; Winterbottom 2007: 382; see also Whitelock 1961: 135). York sources claim that Nicholas gave Ealdred a letter of privilege confirming his judgment (S 1037a (Woodman forthcoming: no. 11); Raine 1879−94: ii. 346−7). This is possible, for genuine papal bulls issued by Nicholas in favour of Wulfwig and Giso remain extant (Whitelock et al., 1981: nos. 77−78). However, Ealdred’s does not, and the only descriptions we have of it are infected by post-Conquest disputes between Canterbury and York over the primacy − and by extension archiepiscopal jurisdiction in Worcestershire.

Pope Nicholas’s bull in favour of Bishop Wulfwig of Dorchester casts interesting light on relations between the archbishop of York and bishops of Dorchester during King Edward’s reign. It confirms Wulfwig and his successions in possession of all things which the church of Dorchester possessed including in particular ‘the diocese of Lindsey and the churches of Stow with Newark and its appurtenances which, as we have heard from our legates and have learnt from the written testimony of our predecessors, Ælfric, archbishop of York [1023−1051], wrongfully seized’ (). There was competition between York and Dorchester for jurisdiction in Lindsey or Lincolnshire throughout the late Anglo-Saxon period; this document suggests that Dorchester used the opportunity of Ealdred’s discomfiture to gain the upper hand in that competition (see further Baxter 2008: 278−84).

John of Worcester gives a detailed account of the appointment of Wulfstan as bishop of Worcester the following year. He says that Ealdred had earlier appointed Wulfstan as ‘prior and father of the convent’; that Wulfstan’s election was attended by papal legates sent by Pope Alexander, one of whom was Bishop Ermenfrid of Sion; that Ealdred consecrated Wulfstan bishop of Worcester on 8 September, 1062; and that he did so because Archbishop Stigand ‘was then forbidden to exercise his episcopal office by the apostolic lord as he had presumed to accept the archbishopric while Archbishop Robert was alive’ (Darlington and McGurk 1995: 591−3; see also Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 47; Raine 1879−94: ii.347−8). John goes on to say that Wulfstan made a profession of obedience to Stigand, and that at Stigand’s insistence, Ealdred was ordered ‘in the presence of the king and nobles of the realm’ to swear that ‘he would  not in the future claim any submission, ecclesiastical or secular’ from Wulfstan (Darlington and McGurk 1995: ). But in his written profession to Archbishop Lanfranc, Wulfstan denied ever having made a written profession of canonical obedience to Stigand or Ealdred (Richter 1973: 26).

John of Worcester says that Ealdred consecrated Earl Harold king on 6 January 1066, and explains that this was because ‘Stigand, the primate of all England, was accused by the apostolic pope of not having received the pallium canonically’ (Darlington and McGurk 1995: 600; also Raine 1879−94: ii. 348). For precisely that reason, Norman sources claim that Harold was consecrated by Stigand (Davis and Chibnall 1998: 100; Chibnall 1969–80: ii. 137; Watkiss and Chibnall 1994: 44; cf. Wilson 1985: plate 31). It is not known what role if any Archbishop Ealdred played in the campaigns of 1066, but it is probable that contingents representing the archbishop of York would have fought at the battles of Fulford Gate, on 20 September, and Stamford Bridge on 25 September. Gaimar says that, following the battle of Stamford Bridge, King Harold entrusted Archbishop Ealdred with all the booty and equipment he had seized from the northmen, and left Mærleswein in charge when he went south (Short 2009: 284−5, line 5252−5).

In the aftermath of the battle of Hastings (fought on 14 October, 1066), ‘Archbishop Ealdred and the citizens of London wanted to have Edgar Cild as king, as was his proper due’; but before long Ealdred was forced to submit to Duke William at Berkhamsted together with earls Eadwine and Morcar and the citizens of London, and on Christmas day, Ealdred consecrated William king at Westminster. According to ‘D’, William ‘promised Ealdred on Christ’s book and swore moreover (before Ealdred would place the crown on his head) that he would rule all this people as well as the best of the kings before him, if they would be loyal to him’ (Whitelock 1961: 143−5). William of Poitiers gives a vivid account of William’s coronation. At the appropriate moment in the coronation ordo, the English and Normans were invited to shout their assent to William’s election, and did so. ‘But the men who, armed and mounted, had been placed as a guard round the minster, on  hearing the loud clamour in an unknown tongue, thought that some treachery was afoot and rashly set fire to houses near the city (Davis and Chibnall 1998: 151). Orderic further embellishes the story: he says that most of those attending the ceremony fled church leaving only a few bishops and clergy in the sanctuary, who ‘with difficulty completed the consecration of the king who was trembling from head to foot’ (Chibnall 1979−80: ii. 185).

The only known manuscript of William of Poitiers breaks off incomplete in a passage which states that Ealdred ‘showed great zeal in the king’s service’ (Davis and Chibnall 1998: 187). Orderic, who was following William of Poitiers at this point in his narrative, says that Ealdred remained loyal to King William during the latter’s return to Normandy in 1067, and was not involved the rebellion of Count Eustace or the murder of Earl Copsig during that year (Chibnall 1969−80: ii. 208). Charter evidence shows that Ealdred continued to play a prominent role in the king’s court: his name occurs among the witnesses of charters in favour of Peterborough, St Denis, St Martin-le-Grand, Wells, Westminster, and Worcester which were issued between 1066 and 1069 (Bates 1998: nos. 181, 216, 254, 286, 295 and 345). Narrative sources concur. Both ‘D’ and Orderic say that Archbishop Ealdred consecrated Matilda as queen at Westminster on Whit-Sunday (11 May) 1068 (Whitelock 1961: 148; Chibnall 1969−80: ii. 214; also Raine 1879−94: ii. 349). Here it is relevant that Ealdred’s subscription occurs (immediately after that of Stigand) in the witness list of a royal diploma issued on 11 May 1068 (Bates 1998: no. 181).

Late sources say that King William and two of his sheriffs incurred Ealdred’s wrath. William of Malmesbury says that Ealdred cursed Urse d’Abetot, sheriff of Worcester, for building a castle that impinged upon the graveyard of the church of Worcester: Hattest þu Urs, haue þu Godes kurs (Winterbottom 2007: 384). Similarly, the Chronicle of the Archbishops  of York preserves a story about Ealdred’s dealings with an unnamed sheriff of York who seized dues from the archbishop’s servants, diverting them to the castle and the king’s granary. When Ealdred complained of this, the sheriff was merely insolent in reply, whereupon Ealdred went to London to report him to the king. Finding King William at Westminster, Ealdred reminded him of his coronation oath, causing him to fall trembling and prostate at Ealdred’s feet, to make a groveling apology, and to send orders for the sheriff to be punished and for the archbishop’s goods to be restored (Raine 1879−94: ii. 351−3).

According to ‘D’, Ealdred died at York on 11 September, 1069, and was buried there having ‘occupied the archiepiscopal see with great honour for ten years all but fifteen weeks’ (Whitelock 1961: 149)). John of Worcester supplies more detail: he says that a Danish fleet comprising 240 ships led by Harold and Cnut, the son of King Swein of Denmark, landed in the Humber on 8 September; that this army was joined there by a group of English rebels led by Edgar Ætheling, Earl Waltheof; that Ealdred was ‘much affected with distress at their arrival’ and as result became ‘very ill and died’, whereupon he was buried in the church of St Peter (McGurk 1998: 8−9; also Raine 1879−94: ii. 349). Ealdred did not therefore live to witness the drama that unfolded in and near York in the weeks that followed: the burning of the city (and its cathedral) by the Norman garrison; the destruction of the Norman castle and slaughter of its garrison by the Danes and rebels; and the harrying of the north by King William in savage retribution.

Cultural and reforming interests



We have seen that Ealdred played a prominent role at the centre of English politics, both on the eve, and in the aftermath, of the Norman Conquest; and we shall see that he was suitably endowed with property and privileges to sustain himself in that role. However, it would be misleading merely to present Ealdred as a hard-nosed worldly prelate, for there is unusually rich evidence of his cultural and reforming interests, which combines to show that Ealdred had a significant impact on the cultural, liturgical and ceremonial lives of the religious and secular communities he was involved with.

Two sources relating to Ealdred’s time at York are important in this connection. One is the preface to a life of St John of Beverley written by Folcard, a Flemish monk of Saint-Bertin. Here, the author addresses Ealdred as Eboracensis metropolitanæ ecclesiæ lampadi et lucernæ ardenti in caliginoso loco (‘the lamp of the metropolitan church of York, a shining light in a dark place’). It goes on to say that Ealdred attracted Folcard into his service at a time of turbulence within his own monastery; that Ealdred helped to protect him, partly by enlisting the help of the queen; that during Ealdred’s time, the church of York shed its former rusticity, and inspired by Ealdred’s teaching, grew to handsome maturity; that Ealdred introduced a number of liturgical reforms, holding regular synods, insisting that the canons were appropriately dressed, encouraging charity, and being assiduous in commemoration of the dead; and that Folcard had written his life of St John at Ealdred’s request, having already composed responsories for the saint’s feast day  (Raine 1879−94: i. 239−42).

The other is a passage in the anonymous twelfth century Chronicle of the Archbishops of York. This praises Ealdred for the many bona he performed for the archbishopric. It says that he acquired many estates de suo proprio and used these to augment the endowment of his churches there, and to establish prebends at Southwell (in Nottinghamshire); that he built refectories for the enjoyment of the canons at York and Southwell; that he augmented the possessions and improved customs at Beverley (possessionibus ampliavit et consuetudinibus ammelioravit); that he completed a refectory and dormitory at Beverley which had been begun by his predecessors Ælfric and Cynesige, adding a new presbytery beside the old church dedicated to St John the Evangelist; that he enriched the church of Beverley by commissioning magnificent wall-paintings, acquiring a pulpit of incomparable workmanship made of bronze, silver and gold for the choir, and placing at the centre of this a crucifix similarly wrought of gold, silver and bronze, fabricated opere Theutonico (‘in German workmanship’);  that he secured from King Edward a fair (feriam) to be held annually on the nativity of St John, for which privilege Ealdred paid 12 marks of gold; and finally that he restored correct ecclesiastical discipline to the clergy of York (Raine 1879−94: ii. 353−4).

An earlier passage in the same source describes Ealdred’s embassy to imperial Germany. Here the anonymous author was moved to remark that Ealdred learned ‘many things which pertain to the character of religious observance, and many things which pertain to the austerity of ecclesiastical discipline he heard, saw and committed to memory, things which afterwards he caused to be adopted by the English church’ (Raine 1879−94:  ii. 345; trans. Lapidge 1983: 454 n. 5).

It is probable that Beverley’s opere Theutonico crucifix was one manifestation of this process of cultural transmission, and demonstrable that Ealdred brought other precious objects back from imperial Germany. The Miracula Sancti Swithuni say that he was caught in a dangerous storm whilst returning from an embassy to the king of Germany; that he was only saved by the intercession of St Swithun, to whom Ealdred prayed for deliverance; and that having returned safely, Ealdred donated money to New Minster which the monks used to commission a statue in the likeness of St Swithun. The same source say that Ealdred had received from the German emperor discus argenteus artificiosa compositione compositus (‘a silver dish, made with skilful composition’), and that this was among the gifts he gave to the community of St Swithun upon his return (Lapidge 2003: 138, 678−9). In addition, the Vita Wulfstani says that when Ealdred was in Germany, Emperor Henry III presented him with two lavish manuscripts, a psalter and sacramentary, which had been written at Peterborough Abbey and sent to the German emperor by King Cnut; Ealdred subsequently gave the books to Bishop Wulfstan, who recognized them from his time as a child oblate at Peterborough (Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 16, 40).

In addition, Michael Lapidge has made a near-conclusive case for thinking that London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius E.xii contains a book which Ealdred acquired in Cologne and brought this back to England before adding further liturgical material to the collection (Lapidge 1983). The book now forms part of a miscellaneous codex consisting of several originally unrelated items; only its third section, folios 116−60, is relevant in the present context. This section is itself bipartite. Its first part, folios 116−52, is ‘a very fragmentary copy of the so-called Romano-Germanic Pontifical’. This was written, probably in Cologne, ‘by a German scribe and datable on palaeographical grounds to s. xi1 (the first half of the eleventh century)’. To this have been added eight leaves, folios 153−60 containing various liturgical texts written in late Anglo-Caroline miniscule, datable to s. xi2. Several of these texts can be suggestively associated with Ealdred. They include a blessing for a statue of St Peter (fol. 153r−154v), which calls to mind Ealdred’s involvement in the rebuilding of St Peter’s, Gloucester; a blessing for a statue of St Swithun (fol. 154r−v), which recalls Ealdred’s gift of a crucifix to New Minster, Winchester (a church dedicated to St Swithun); a blessing of the pilgrim’s scrip and staff (fols. 155v−157r), which recalls Ealdred’s two journeys to Rome and his pilgrimage to Jerusalem; and a sermon prefacing the Office for the Dead, followed by the office itself (folios 157v−160r), which recalls Folcard’s assertion that Ealdred was much concerned with the liturgical commemoration of the dead. However, the clinching evidence is the final text in the second section, which contains (on folio 160v) a copy of laudes regiae (royal acclamations); for this text includes benedictions for Pope Alexander II (1061−1073) and William the Conqueror, and further stanzas beseeching life and salvation for Queen Matilda, Archbishop Ealdred and all the clergy entrusted to him. It will be recalled that Ealdred crowned Matilda at Westminster Abbey on 11 May 1068. It follows that the laudes were probably composed by Ealdred or a member of his entourage for performance either on that occasion, or for another royal ceremonial festival between then and 11 September 1069 when Ealdred died. Whatever the case, Lapidge was surely right to conclude that this group of texts ‘was compiled as a sort of personal supplement for Ealdred’s own use to the Pontifical itself’ (Lapidge 1983: 462). 

The force of this argument has attracted others into its orbit. It has been suggested, for example, that Ealdred was responsible for the genesis of the ‘Third English Coronation Ordo’, and that this was used for the coronations of kings Harold II and William I in 1066 (Nelson 1982). This argument is attractive on general grounds, for there is no doubt that Ealdred was closely involved in the process of king- and queen-making from at least the time of his journey to Cologne until the year before he died, and it is certain that he was responsible for at least one and probably both coronations in 1066. It is also known that Ealdred’s host in Cologne, Archbishop Herimann, was responsible for consecrating the child-king Henry (the future Henry IV) at Aachen on 17 July 1054, shortly before Ealdred arrived; and given the nature of Ealdred’s mission, it is likely that he and Herimann would have discussed rituals of king-making, and that these were among the matters pertaining to ‘the dignity of ecclesiastical observance’ that Ealdred heard, saw and committed to memory, and subsequently introduced to England. More specifically, the ‘Third English Coronation Ordo’ appears to have been compiled by splicing together the ‘Second English Ordo’ with the king’s ordo in the Romano-Germanic Pontificum. For example, as we have seen, accounts of the Conqueror’s coronation describe a moment of acclamation, and this is a feature of the Romano-Germanic Pontificum and the third ordo, but does not occur in the second ordo. The fact that Ealdred is known to have brought the earliest copy of the Romano-Germanic Pontificum into England, and to have officiated in a coronation at which an acclamation took place, strengthens the case for thinking that he composed the ‘Third English Coronation Ordo’ (for a different view, see Garnett 2003). 

Several other liturgical and cultural phenomena have been associated with Ealdred. Lapidge himself has argued that ‘the exemplar of the famous collections of ‘Cambridge Songs’ now preserved in Cambridge, University Library, Gg.5.35 (St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, s. ximed) was evidently compiled at Cologne and brought to England at this time’, and has observed that ‘it is not unreasonable to think of Ealdred in this connection’ (Lapidge 1983: 464). Ealdred has been associated, albeit more tentatively, with the production of other contemporary manuscripts at Worcester (Gameson 1996: 222) and elsewhere (Hare 1997: 59). It has also been suggested that the cycle of crown-wearings first recorded in 1087 was in fact introduced to England during Edward the Confessor’s reign inspired by imperial influence; and that Ealdred’s rebuilding of St Peter’s Gloucester may have been intended to facilitate the rituals associated with crown-wearing ceremonies in that city (Hare 1997). It may be unwise to add to speculation of this kind, but it is striking that the design of English coins underwent a ‘sudden and dramatic change’ with the Pointed Helmet type, which is conventionally dated to the mid-1050s, for the iconography of this and subsequent issues displays a marked German imperial influence (see most recently Archibald 2004: 138−43).

Property



In addition to the Domesday evidence, which is treated separately below, an unusually rich collection of material casts light on the endowments of the various churches under Ealdred’s control at different stages of his career.

Worcester

The following charters preserved in the Worcester archive relate to Ealdred’s management of its endowment:
  1. (i) S 1406 (Robertson 1939: no. 112). This is written in English, datable 1047 x 1053, and records a lease for three lives of two hides at Hill and Moor, Worcestershire by Bishop Ealdred to by Bishop Ealdred to Athelstan ‘the fat’, with reversion to the bishopric. Domesday Book records that five hides at Piddle, Hill and Moor were held from the church of Worcester by Cyneweard TRE (GDB 172d (Worcestershire 2:19)).
  2. (ii) S 1407. This is extant as a single sheet (London, British Library, Add. Ch. 19800). It is datable c. 1053, written in English, and records a lease for three lives of two hides and a yardland at Weston-on-Avon, Warwickshire, by Bishop Ealdred, bishop, to Balwine, his man, with reversion to St Mary's, Worcester. Domesday records that four hides at Weston-on-Avon was held by a certain Balduinus TRE, perhaps identical with the lessor, and that it was held by a certain Roger from Hugh de Grandmesnil in 1086 (GDB 169b (Gloucestershire 62:5)).
  3. (iii) S 1409 (Robertson 1939: no. 111). This is datable 1051 x 1055, written in English, and records a lease for three lives of one and half hides at Ditchford in Blockley, Gloucestershire, by Bishop Ealdred to Wulfgeat, with reversion to the bishopric. The lease enjoins that the holder should ‘always be submissive and obedient and acknowledge the lordship of whoever is bishop at the time, and if they are guilty of any defection, they shall forfeit the property’; and asserts that ‘at the king’s summons the holder shall discharge the obligations of these one and a half hides at one hide’. Domesday Book records that two hides at Ditchford were held by a certain Alweard, perhaps Wulfgeat’s son, TRE (GDB 173b (Worcestershire 2:39)).
  4. (iv) S 1405. This is extant in as a single-sheet (London, British Library, Add. Ch. 19801). It is dated 1058, written in Latin with English bounds, and records a lease for one life of 2 hides and a yardland at Bredons Norton, Worcestershire, by Bishop Ealdred to Dodda, his minister, with reversion to the bishopric. The estate was held from the bishop by a certain Leofwine TRE (GDB 173b (Worcestershire 2:29)).
  5. (v) S 1408 (Hearne 1723: 396−8). This is written in Latin, datable c. 1051 x 1055, and records a grant by Bishop Ealdred the brethren of St Mary's, Worcester of three hides at Teddington and Alstone, Gloucestershire, and a messuage in Worcester. The charter records that the estate had been his estate had been granted to Ealdred by a certain Toki; that Toki’s his son Aki had claimed it as his inheritance; and that Ealdred persuaded Aki to renounce his claim for a payment of eight marks of gold. Domesday Book records that three hides at Teddington were held from the bishop for the monks supplies in 1086 (GDB 173a (Worcestershire 2:23)).
  6. (vi) S 1232 (Robertson 1939: 113). This records grants of land at Wolverley, Worcestershire, and at Blackwell and Tredington, Warwickshire, by Earl Leofric and his wife Godiva to St Mary’s Worcester. The document is not dated and lacks a witness list, but probably records an authentic transaction made before Leofric died in 1057 when Ealdred was bishop of Worcester. All three estates are entered in the fee of St Mary’s Worcester in Domesday Book (GDB 173b−c, 174b (Worcestershire 2:45−6, 83)).
  7. (vii) S 1480 (Hearne 1723: 398-400). This purports to be a declaration that Archbishop Ealdred purchased ten hides at Hampnett, Gloucestershire, for ten marks of gold and granted it to St Mary's, Worcester. However, the charter is not authentic (among other suspicious features, it is ‘subscribed’ by Earl Leofric who died in 1057, three years before Ealdred became archbishop). A calendar of Worcester benefactors dates this purchase to the year 1061 and names vendor as Godwine, a thegn of King Edward (Dugdale 1817: i. 609). The corresponding entry in Domesday Book says that the estate was assessed at ten hides; that Archbishop Ealdred held it; and that King Edward gave him two of these hides quit − presumably of geld, and if so a clear illustration of beneficial hidation. The estates was held by Roger d’Ivry in 1086 (GDB 168a (Gloucestershire 41:1)).

Hemming’s codicellus further records that Bishop Ealdred and Prior Wulfstan were persuaded by Eadric Silvaticus to lease a land at Little Witley, Worcestershire, to Earnwine his priest (Hearne 1723: 256). The estate was held from the bishop of Worcester by by Earnwine the priest TRE, and by Urse d’Abetot in 1086 (GDB 172d (Worcestershire 2:8)). Hemming is not otherwise critical of Ealdred: it in fact praises Ealdred for supporting Bishop Wulfstan’s election, for granting Teddington, Alstone and Hampnett to the monks of Worcester, and for recovering three further vills – Mitton, Sedgeberrow, and Hlocceslea − on their behalf (Hearne 1723: 395−8, 405−6).

It is perhaps surprising that Hemming affords Ealdred such praise, for there is clear evidence that Ealdred retained control of several Worcester manors after he became archbishop of York and retained them until his death. Hugh the Chanter says that, following his promotion, Ealdred ‘kept twelve manors for himself but left the others to Bishop Wulfstan as his vicar’, and that it was only much later,  ‘at the insistence and on the advice of Archbishop Lanfranc, the king took them away’ from Archbishop Thomas, Ealdred’s successor (Johnson 1961: 1, 11). The Vita Wulfstani says that having ordained Bishop Wulfstan, Ealdred ‘diverted the revenues of the church to his own purposes. When Wulfstan eventually returned he gave him scarce seven vills, obstinately keeping hold of the rest for himself. Wulfstan knew that there was nothing to be done with him by force, but gradually his prayers wore down the arrogant greed of Ealdred, who restored all but twelve vills to the jurisdiction of the church’ (Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 46, 49−51). Both the Vita Wulfstani and John of Worcester give detailed, if not entirely reconcilable accounts of the circumstances in which Wulfstan recovered them from Thomas in 1070 (Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 60−65; McCurk 1998: 10−18; see further Darlington 1928: xxvi−xxx; Williams 2005: 25−31; and see further below). 

It has been suggested that ‘Ealdred maintained to the end of his life a paramount influence in Wulfstan’s diocese’ (Darlington 1928: xxvi). The dispute over the twelve vills of Worcester is not the only evidence that substantiates this claim. Hugh the Chanter describes Wulfstan as Ealdred’s vicarius (Johnson 1961: 1). William of Malmesbury’s says that Ealdred, not Wulfstan, cursed Urse the sheriff for building a castle which impinged on the grounds of the church of Worcester. Archbishop Ealdred is addressed in two writs and is named in the witness lists of two charters which relate to west Midland property transactions datable to the period between 1060 and 1069 (S 1146; Bates 1998: nos. 254, 295, 345). In addition, a series of entries in Domesday Book combine to prove that Ealdred maintained an active interest and involvement in the management of the Worcester endowment after his preferment to York, both before and after 1066. 

York

The Chronicle of the Archbishops of York says that Ealdred obtained papal privileges and royal charters (Raine 1879−94: ii. 347), and some of these remain extant. Leaving to one side an interesting but plainly spurious charter which purports to be a grant of the see of Worcester to Archbishop Ealdred (S 1037a; Woodman forthcoming: no. 11), the archives of York and Beverley together preserve copies of seven apparently authentic documents in which King Edward the Confessor and King William I confer various rights and privileges upon Archbishop Ealdred. These are as follows:
  1. (i) S 1159 (Harmer 1952: no. 118; Woodman forthcoming: no. 9). This is a copy of a writ, in English, where King Edward greets his bishops, earls and thegns in all the shires in which Archbishop Ealdred had land, and informs them that he should be entitled ‘to his sake and his soke, over his lands and over all his people, to toll and to team, within town and without’. As Woodman observes, writs of this kind were probably intended to inform shire courts that the beneficiary had recently been appointed to a particular office, and should henceforth enjoy judicial and financial rights over the estates which they now held those shires, and which might be administered in those courts. It follows that such writs were probably issued shortly after appointments to major religious houses had been made; and if so, the writ in question is most likely to have been issued in or shortly after Ealdred’s elevation to York in late December 1060.
  2. (ii) S 1160 (Harmer 1952: 119; Woodman forthcoming: no. 14). This is a Latin copy of a writ-charter, doubtless originally written in English, in which King Edward greets Earl Tostig and all his thegns in Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, and declares that he has granted to Archbishop Ealdred sake and soke and toll and team over his men within the king’s jurisdiction, just as the archbishop has them in his own lands. This confers similar privileges to S 1159, but is different in two significant respects: first, S 1160 is specifically addressed to the shire courts of Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, the shires in which most of the estates which constituted the endowment of the diocese of York lay; and second, in S 1160, Edward says that Ealdred is to enjoy rights of sake and soke super suos homines infra meam sacam et socam – that is, over his men who held land within the king’s soke.
  3. (iii) S 1161 (Harmer 1952: no. 120; Woodman forthcoming: no. 10). This is a copy of an authentic writ-charter, written in Old English, in which King Edward greets Bishop Leofric, Earl Harold, Wada and all his thegns in Devonshire, and informs them that he has granted to Ealdred, the deacon of Archbishop Ealdred, the minster at Axminster and all the things lawfully pertaining thereto, with sake and with soke, as fully and as completely as ever any priest before him had it, as a pious benefaction for St Peter’s minster at York. Domesday Book records that Axminster was a large royal manor held by King Edward TRE, and that half a hide worth 20 shillings per annum pertained to the church of this manor: this was presumably the parcel of property that Edward granted to Ealdred the deacon (GDB 100c (Devon 1:11)). It may at first sight seem curious that Edward was moved to grant a deacon and the community of York property in Devon, but when Archbishop Ealdred’s estates are plotted on a map, the rationale for this becomes more clearly apparent. Axminster lay about thirty miles northeast of two estates held by Archbishop Ealdred in Devon TRE (see below): it would, therefore, have been a convenient place for the archbishop and his entourage to take respite when royal service brought them into that shire.
  4. (iv) S 1067: (Harmer 1952: no. 7; Woodman forthcoming: no. 13). This is a copy of a writ-charter, written in Old English, addressed to Earl Tostig and the Yorkshire shire court, in which King Edward grants Ealdred permission to draw up a priuilegium for the lands belonging to St John’s minster at Beverley; and provides that the minster should be as free as any other minster, that the bishop to whom it will be subject should be its guardian and protector so that no-one else should lawfully take anything from it, and that mynsterlife 7 samnung (minster life and assembly) be maintained there forever. It has been observed that Bishop Giso of Wells was similarly given permission to draw up a charter of privileges pertaining to the endowment of his see (S 1042; ).
  5. (v) Bates 1998: no. 351. This is a copy of a writ, in English, in which King William informs his earls and thegns in all the shires where Archbishop Ealdred holds land that he should worthily hold his bishopric, and should be entitled to sake and soke and toll and team over his men over the land of his men who are in the king’s soke, as fully as in King Edward’s day. It is effectively a confirmation of the rights granted in S 1159 and 1160.
  6. (vi) Bates 1998: no. 32. This is almost certainly a Latin translation of a writ-charter, originally written in English, addressed to Earl Morcar and the Yorkshire shire court, granting Archbishop Ealdred the right to draw up a priuilegium for the lands belonging to the church of St John, Beverley, and that these lands should be free from the demands of the king, his reeves, and all his men. It appears essentially to update S 1067, except that the exclusion of royal officials is here made more explicit.
  7. (vii) Bates 1998: no. 31. This appears to be a copy an authentic a writ-charter addressed to the Yorkshire shire court, written in English with a (presumably later) Latin translation appended, in which King William grants to St John’s, Beverley rights of sake and soke over all the lands which the church held in King Edward’s time, and over the land which Archbishop Ealdred had acquired during William’s reign, whether through purchase or testament (witword oððe on coupland). It further enjoins that the minster should be free from the king and all men except the archbishops and the priests of the church, and should enjoy mynsterlif 7 canonica samnung forever. This essentially confirms and updates S 1067, with a significant addition relating to acquisitions made by Ealdred made during William’s reign.

These charters can be compared with statements relating to the archbishop’s privileges in Domesday Book. The Nottinghamshire Domesday lists the archbishop of York among those who enjoyed rights of ‘sake and soke, toll and team and the king’s customary dues of two pence’ in that shire (GDB 280c (Nottinghamshire S:5)). The Yorkshire Domesday begins with an account of the city of York, which says that the archbishop had plenam consuetudinem (‘full customary dues’) from his ‘shire’, one of one seven administrative districts in the city of York (GDB 298a (Yorkshire C:1B); and for the bishop’s shire, see below). It also supplies a list of ten laymen who had rights of ‘sake and soke, toll and team and all customary dues’ in that shire TRE, and then goes on to say:

In the demesne manors the earl had nothing at all, nor the king in the manors of the earl, except what pertains to the spiritual jurisdiction which belongs to the archbishop (praeter quod pertinent ad quam ad archiepiscopem pertinent). In all the land of St Peter of York, and St John, and St Wilfrid, and St Cuthbert, and of Holy Trinity, in like manner, [neither] the king, nor the earl, nor anyone else had any customary dues there (nec aliquis alius aliquam aliquas consuetudines) (GDB 298c (Yorkshire C:36−37)).

The word consuetudines was probably used here used as a convenient abbreviation for the more precise but verbose ‘sacam et socam et Tol et Thaim et omnes consuetudines’. If so, it would follow that these statements are concerned with similar if not identical rights and privileges to those conveyed in S 1159, 1160, Bates 1998 nos. 31 and 351. The assertion that the archbishop exercised spiritual jurisdiction, even within the manors of the king and earl, casts interesting light on the charters which say that the archbishop exercised jurisdiction within the king’s soke (S 1160 and Bates no. 351). In addition, the clauses protecting Beverley minster from external intrusion (in S 1067 and Bates 1998 no. 31) can be compared with Domesday’s assertion that ‘St John’s carucate was always free from the king’s geld’ (GDB 298v, 304a (Yorkshire 2E:1)).

The assertion that Ealdred acquired land for the York endowment during William’s reign receives support from the will of Ulf and Madselin, which is datable 1066x1068, and records the following transaction relating to property in the east Midlands: ‘And to Bishop Ealdred the estates at Lavington and Hardwick as a complete purchase, and the estates at Skillington and Holt and Morton, on which the bishop has a mortgage of eight marks of gold; and if they return home, the bishop is to be paid his gold; but if neither of them return home, the bishop is to supply for their souls’ sake as much as the land is worth above that. And if it should go other than well with the bishop, the Abbot Brand is to succeed on these same terms’ (Whitelock 1930: 95). As Whitelock showed, the majority of the bequests recorded in this will did not take effect. However, this part of the will apparently describes transactions which had already taken place when the will was drawn up, and Domesday Book confirms that some of the estates in question formed part of the endowment of York in 1086: Lavington (in Lenton) was held by Ulf TRE and the Archbishop Thomas in 1086 (GDB 340b (Lincolnshire 2:42)); and Skillington was held by Earl Morcar, Fredegæst and Beorhtmær TRE and the archbishop in 1086 (GDB 340b (Lincolnshire 2:37); see also 368a (Lincolnshire 57:46) for a reference to the archbishop’s warnode at Skillington). However, Hardwick was held by Ulf TRE and by Countess Judith in 1086 (GDB (Northamptonshire 56:47−8)). A further entry in the Lincolnshire clamores corresponds closely with the transaction referred to in the will. This records that ‘Archbishop Ealdred acquired Lenton and Skillington with the berewick of Hardwick from Ulf son of Topi with his own money, which he gave him in the sight of the wapentake; and afterwards they saw the king’s seal by which he was re-seised of those lands, because Hilbold had disseised him of them’ (GDB 376d (Lincolnshire CK:10)).

There is, finally, late evidence which shows that Ealdred was remembered for establishing prebends for his communities in York: a fragment transmitted by John Leyland says that Ealdred acquired land and used to it to establish prebends for the churches of St Peter’s, York, St John’s Beverley, and St Wilfred’s Ripon (Fowler 1886: ii. 182); and a passage Hugh the Chanter’s History of the Church of York says that Ealdred made prebends for the same churches free of geld ‘but could not buy the king’s customs from those who had not power to sell them (prebendas illas de terra exempticia fecit, set regias consuetudines vel exacciones ab illis emere non potuit, quibus vendere non licebat)’ (Johnson 1961: 32). Here it perhaps relevant that a writ of Henry I states that Beverley’s lands had been free from the payment of geld in the time of King Edward and William I (Harmer 1952: 432).

Domesday estates



Summary

The table below summarizes the scale of Ealdred’s holdings recorded in Domesday Book. (‘Fiscal’ means hides or equivalent units of fiscal assessement; £p equals the of values estates, using the 1066/TRE figure where this is given in the text, or the 1086 used as a proxy where no 1066/TRE value is supplied.)

Demesne
Lordships
Total

Shire
Fiscal
£p
Fiscal
£p
Fiscal
£p

Devon
3
3
0
0
3
3

Gloucestershire
11
8
52
43
63
51

Hampshire
5
4
0
0
5
4

Leicestershire
16
1
0
0
16
1

Lincolnshire
0
0
1
1
1
1

Nottinghamshire
47
51
6
9
54
60

Worcestershire
0
0
4
4
4
4

Yorkshire
561
257
275
46
836
303

Total
650
323
339
102
989
425

Two explanatory points should be registered at once. First, this analysis attempts to distinguish between Ealdred’s demesne estates (i.e. the estates he enjoyed usufruct of and drew income from), and lordships (i.e. estates held from Ealdred by the religious communities of which he was head, and in dependent tenure by secular landholders). Second, the table excludes the ‘twelve vills’ of the Worcester endowment controlled by Ealdred in 1066.

The total columns can be compared with another recent estimate of the scale of the York endowment (Giandrea 2007: 213−4):

Total

Shire
f
£

Leicestershire
13
0

Nottinghamshire
39
69

Yorkshire
581
299

Total
633
368

The totals for fiscal units differ appreciably: this is principally because the fiscal assessment attributed to sokelands and other tributary holdings is captured in the present analysis but not in Giandrea’s. The value totals differ in minor respects: Giandrea omits three carucates and £1 of value at Tur Langton in Leicestershire, and assigns £9 of value to Laneham in Nottinghamshire which is not recorded in the text.

The geographic distribution of Ealdred’s estates is interesting. The bulk of his estates were in Yorkshire, as one would expect. The remainder of Ealdred’s holdings consists of a series of tenurial stepping stones towards the south. The endowment of Southwell minster gave the archbishop a substantial holding in Nottinghamshire. He also had a small number of holdings in Leicestershire. The map reveals a gap of about fifty miles between these estates and Ealdred’s holdings in Worcestershire and Gloucestershire; and for this reason it is tempting to speculate that Ealdred’s ‘twelve vills’ included property in Warwickshire, which would have served to plug that gap and provide hospitality for him as he journeyed between the west Midlands and the north. King Edward’s grant of Mottisfont to Ealdred provided him with an estate near Winchester. Otherwise, his only holdings in the south were two estates in Devon. 

Ealdred’s holdings were worth at least £425 in total, excluding the value of this twelve Worcester vills, which are likely to have been worth more than £100 per annum (see below). If Ealdred’s holdings are compared with those of Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, two points stand out. First, Ealdred’s total holding was only a fraction of Stigand’s, which amounted to £2,069 per annum. Second, Ealdred’s personal holding was tiny by comparison with Stigand’s: whereas  appears to have enjoyed a vast personal holding amounting to £706, once the endowments of Winchester and Canterbury are set aside, Ealdred’s personal holding amounted to about £7, once the endowments of Gloucester, Worcester and York are set aside. It would appear that Stigand was a man of significant private means, and that Ealdred was not.

Yorkshire

The Yorkshire Domesday appears to differentiate between estates held by the archbishop of York and those assigned to the communities he controlled. It is said of Sherburn: hoc manerium fuit et est in dominio Archiepiscopi eboracensis (‘this manor was and is in the demesne of the archbishop of York’) (GDB 302c (Yorkshire 2B:1)). Virtually all of the estates in the first section of the archbishop’s fee are specifically attributed to Archbishop Ealdred TRE; in 1086, some of these were attributed to Archbishop Thomas alone, and some to the canons of St Peter’s under him in 1086 (GDB 302d (Yorkshire 2B:4−7)). In contrast, Ealdred is not mentioned in any of the entries relating to land in the North Riding of Yorkshire: St Peter’s ‘had and has’ the majority of these vills. In the West Riding, there are some estates where Archbishop Ealdred is named as the TRE holder, and some where St Peter’s ‘had and has’ them. Three carucates at Grafton are said to pertain ad uictum canonicorum (GDB 303c (Yorkshire 2W:5)), and the canons are said to have had fourteen bovates of land in Ripon (GDB 203d (Yorkshire 2W:7). The entry for Beverley says that its value to the archbishop and canons was £24 and £20 respectively TRE (GDB 304a (Yorkshire 2E:1)); and subsequent entries distinguish between estates held by Ealdred, St John’s and the clerici of Beverley (GDB 304a−b (Yorkshire 2E:2−17)). That these were not intended to be read as synonymous alternatives is suggested by the entry for Molescroft, which says that ‘one half is the archbishop’s, the other St John’s’ (GDB 304a (Yorkshire 2E:9)). The fee concludes with a list of berewicks belonging to the archbishop followed by a similar list of berewicks belonging to St John’s (GDB 304b (Yorkshire 2E:18−41)).

This amounts to a relatively clear and sustained attempt to differentiate holdings attributed to the archbishop of York and the communities under his jurisdiction. However, the formulae used in this fee do not make it possible consistently to identify the holdings of secular landholders who held land from the archbishop. This is an unfortunate characteristic of circuit VI as a whole: its commissioners do not appear to have considered it part of their brief to record information relating to pre-Conquest dependent tenures. The Yorkshire Domesday affords occasional glimpses of such tenures. For example, we are told that St Peter ‘had and has’ three carucates at Helperby, and that Sasford tenebat de Sancto Petro (‘Seaxfrith held it of St Peter’), and the next four entries are explicit that the land in question was held from St Peter’s by Seaxfrith, Thorkil and Godric (GDB 303c (Yorkshire 2N:26−30)). Elsewhere in the archbishop’s fee we learn that certain landholders ‘gave’ land to St Peter’s: for example, Gamal gave four carucates at Newton to St Peter’s TRE, and Ulf gave six bovates at Stonegrave to St Peter’s (GDB 303a (Yorkshire 2N: 5) 303b (Yorkshire 2N: 16)). These may have been bequests of freely held land; alternatively, they could have been estates which reverted to St Peter’s when their lessor died.

Several other entries in this fee name pre-Conquest landholders without describing the nature of their tenures: men such as Slettan and Edwin (GDB 302d (Yorkshire 2B:8), Clibert (GDB 303a (Yorkshire 2B:19), Ulf (GDB 303a−b (Yorkshire 2N:7−15), and Wulfgeat (GDB 304a (Yorkshire 2E:8, 2E:14−5). These men could have been tenants of the archbishop or the canons of St Peter’s TRE; but it is also possible that the holdings of these men were absorbed into the York endowment TRW. The Yorkshire clamores certainly prove that Archbishop Ealdred acquired some property between 1066 and 1069. The Yorkshire commissioners were told that ‘Archbishop Ealdred purchased the land of Swein of Adwick le Street after the death of King Edward, and had it quit’ (GDB 373d (Yorkshire CW:22)). The men of the west Riding testified that ‘all the land which Drogo claimed against St John [of Beverley] is for the use of the same St John, by the gift of King William, which he gave to St John in the time of Archbishop Ealdred; the canons have the seal of King Edward and of King William for this’ (GDB 374a (Yorkshire CW:39)). In addition, the men of the east Riding testified as follows: ‘In Risby, Gamal had four carucates of land which he sold to Archbishop Ealdred TRW. Of this land, the soke formerly belonged to Welton; but Archbishop Thomas has the writ of King William, by which he granted that soke quit to St John of Beverley. Likewise, the soke of four carucates of land in Walkington belonged to Welton, but King William gave it quit to Archbishop Ealdred, according to the testimony of the wapentake which saw and heard the king’s writ for it’ (GDB 373c (Yorkshire CE:33)). These entries confirm that Ealdred was active in the York land market in the immediate aftermath of the Conquest, and took the precaution of obtaining royal writs to secure his title to the property he thus acquired – just as documents preserved in the archives of York and Beverley claim.

Lincolnshire

The Lincolnshire Domesday attributes more than forty estates in Lincolnshire to the archbishop of York. These were assessed at nearly 80 carucates and were attributed a total value of about £50 in 1086; and a significant proportion of them were held from the archbishop by tenants at that date. None of these estates has been attributed to Archbishop Ealdred in the present analysis, for the text assigns them all to other pre-Conquest holders, and it fails to mention the archbishop in connection with any of them. However, it will be recalled that the commissioners of circuit VI failed consistently to record pre-Conquest dependent tenures. It is of course possible that Ealdred or Thomas between them acquired all of the estates in question between 1066 and 1086: as we have seen, Domesday Book and the will of Ulf and Madselin demonstrate that Ealdred certainly acquired some land in Lincolnshire between 1066 and 1069. However, we also should perhaps hold open the possibility that some of these estates were held from the archbishop in dependent tenure TRE – not least because so many of them were in 1086.

Nottinghamshire

The identification of Archbishop Ealdred’s estates in Nottinghamshire is complicated by similar issues. In 1086, the archbishop of York’s fee in Nottinghamshire was dominated by the endowment of St Mary’s Southwell. The Nottinghamshire Domesday describes most of these holdings in the present tense and fails to state who held them in TRE. There are exceptions. The entry for Blidwell used the abbreviation ‘hb’ for habuit  to indicate that the archbishop ‘had it’, presumably TRE (GDB 283b (Nottinghamshire 5:9); and the entry for Cropwell similarly records that St Mary’s Southwell ‘had it’, (GDB 283a (Nottinghamshire 5:3). Similarly Ælfric habuit a manor Rolleston (GDB 283a (Nottinghamshire 5:6); and Alnoth habuit a manor at Oxton whereas Godric tenuit Ranskill (GDB 283b (Nottinghamshire 5:11−12)). Elsewhere in the fee, estates are either assigned to the archbishop or to St Mary’s or the canons TRW. For the purposes of the present analysis, it is assumed that Ealdred held the estates attributed to Archbishop Thomas; that the community of St Mary’s Southwell held the estates attributed to them in 1066 as well as 1086; and that Ælfric, Alnoth and Godric did not hold in dependent tenure TRE.

Leicestershire

A similar problem is encountered in this shire: several estates that were held by mesne tenants from the archbishop of York in 1086 are attributed to pre-Conquest landholders without describing the nature of their tenures: Arnketil, Osmund, Oslac and Gytha between them held eight carucates worth thirty-eight shillings in four vills TRE (GDB 230d (Leicestershire 2:4−7)). These have been treated as free holdings in the present analysis, but it is possible that these were leased from Archbishop Ealdred TRE.

Worcestershire and Warwickshire

The principal problem in relation to these shires is how to account for the twelve vills belonging to the endowment of St Mary’s Worcester which Ealdred held between 1062 and 1069, and which Bishop Wulfstan subsequently recovered from Archbishop Thomas. As we have seen, the sources which describe this episode do not name the estates in question, but the matter is worth exploring, since the estates in question are likely to have been large and valuable manors; and if so, they would have a material bearing on any assessment of the scale of the holdings of Ealdred and Wulfstan TRE. 

Two related texts − Domesday Book itself, and Hemming’s cartulary, written in the 1090s, partly drawing on material generated during the Domesday survey − supply clues as to the identity of the twelve vills. Interestingly, neither text actually names the bishop who held the church of Worcester’s estates TRE. This omission was perhaps deliberate, for it is demonstrable that Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester managed circumvent the normal procedures of the Domesday survey to secure a remarkably beneficial of his own fee in the Worcester Domesday (Baxter 2001); and although Wulfstan had recovered Ealdred’s twelve vills long before 1086, he must have been keen to make sure that York’s claim over them should not be revived in the future. It is therefore possible, indeed likely, that Wulfstan deliberately suppressed the fact of Ealdred’s tenure of them in his submission to the Domesday commissioners, which soon became written up in Domesday Book itself.

However this may be, both Domesday Book and Hemming’s cartulary make a clear distinction between estates attributed to bishop and those attributed to the monks of St Mary’s, Worcester. The table below summarizes the relevant evidence.

No.
Estate
Domesday ref
DB text
Hearne ref
Hemming text
£ TRE
£ TRW

1
Kempsey
Worcester 2:2
bishop holds
299
bishop holds
16
8

2
Wick Episcopi
Worcester 2:6
bishop holds
300
bishop holds
8
8

3
Fladbury
Worcester 2:15
bishop holds
301
bishop holds
10
9

4
Bredon
Worcester 2:22
bishop holds
302
bishop holds
10
9.5

5
Ripple and Upton
Worcester 2:31
bishop holds
303
bishop holds
10
10

6
Blockley
Worcester 2:38
bishop holds
303-4
bishop holds
16
20

7
Tredington
Worcester 2:45
bishop holds
304
bishop holds
10
12.5

8
Northwick
Worcester 2:48
bishop holds
304-6
bishop holds
13
16.5

9
Hampton Lucy
Warwickshire 3:1
bishop holds
311
bishop holds
4
20

10
Stratford
Warwickshire 3:2
bishop holds
311
bishop holds
5
25

Subtotal
102102
138.5138.5

11
Hanbury
Worcester 2:14
church holds
308, 316
church holds/bishop has
7
6

12
Hartlebury
Worcester 2:82
church holds
315
bishop has
16
13.5

13
Alvechurch
Worcester 2:84
church holds
315
bishop has
5
5

14
Alveston
Warwickshire 3:3
bishop holds
309, 311
church holds, monks hold
8
15

15
Bibury
Gloucestershire 3:4
Bishop Wulfstan holds
309
St Mary's holds
18
18

16
Whittington
Gloucestershire 3:5
Bishop Wulfstan holds
310-11
church holds
38
33

17
Bishop's Cleeve
Gloucestershire 3:6
Bishop Wulfstan holds
311
church holds
36
26

Subtotal
102332
394.0138

Both Domesday Book and Hemming explicitly attribute the first ten estates in the table to the bishop as distinct from the church or community of Worcester. It is therefore probable that these ten manors formed the nucleus of Ealdred’s twelve vills, and that the remaining two were drawn from the other seven estates listed in the table. This is necessarily speculative; but it seems reasonable to conclude that the income that Ealdred enjoyed from his twelve vills is likely to have exceeded £100; and if so, this would have amounted to roughly one third of the entire endowment of Worcester, and a quarter of the endowment of York. 

Five entries prove that Ealdred remained actively involved in the management of the Worcester endowment between 1062 and 1069. 
  1. (i) The entry for Bradley Green says that ‘Archbishop Ealdred leased it to his reeve TRE and took it from him justly when he would’ (GDB 173a (Worcestershire 2:20)). 
  2. (ii) The entry for Cutsdean says that ‘Bishop Beorhtheah had leased this land to Dodda, but Archbishop Ealdred proved his right to it against his son TRW’ (GDB 173a (Worcestershire 2:24). 
  3. (iii) The entry for Croome says that ‘Godric held it and performed service to the bishop’ and that ‘Archbishop Ealdred received it legally from him’ (GDB 173b (Worcestershire 2:32)). 
  4. (iv) The entry for Sedgeberrow says that ‘it is for the sustenance of the monks’ and that Archbishop Ealdred proved right to it against Beorhtric, son of Dodda, the pre-Conquest lessor (GDB 173d (Worcestershire 2:63)). 
  5. (v) The entry for Alveston says that Archbishop Ealdred retained sake and soke over the land leased by Beorhtwine TRE (GDB 238b (Warwickshire 3:4)).

The first three of these estates formed part of the episcopal manors of Fladbury, Bredon and Ripple respectively, so the entries in question strengthen the case for thinking they were among Ealdred’s ‘twelve vills’. However, Sedgeberrow formed part of the manor of Overbury, which Domesday Book and Hemming attribute to the church or monks of Worcester (GDB 173d (Worcestershire 2:62); Hearne 1723: 306). This is suggestive evidence that Ealdred retained control over property leased from the monks as well as his ‘own’ manors after his appointment to York. 

Gloucestershire

Five estates in Gloucestershire are attributed to Archbishop Ealdred TRE. The fact that Ealdred leased three virgates at Brawn from King Edward is recorded without further comment (GDB 162d (Gloucestershire 1:2)). However, the remaining four estates appear to have been the subject of disputes in 1086.

As we have seen, the entry for Hampnett in Gloucestershire records that Ealdred held it TRE, and that Roger d’Ivry held it in 1086 (GDB 168a (Gloucestershire 41:1)). However, Hemming’s cartulary claims that Ealdred purchased it for ten marks of gold and granted it to the church of Worcester (S 1480; Hearne 1723: 398-400). This suggests that Bishop Wulfstan and the monks of Worcester continued to claim title to Hampnett, even though Domesday Book contains no hint of this. 

The community of St Peter’s, Gloucester, appears to have claimed the other three estates attributed to Ealdred. It will be recalled that Ealdred was responsible for rebuilding or remodeling the fabric of St Peter’s Gloucester, and that he helped himself to estates at Northleach, Standish, Oddington and Condicote in recompense for this (Hart 1863−67: i. 9, ii. 112, 115). The corresponding entries in Domesday Book occur in the fee of Archbishop Thomas and name Ealdred as the TRE holder, but leave the precise nature of his tenure of these estates unclear. Thus, we are told ‘Archbishop Ealdred held Oddington with the berewick of Condicote… Archbishop Thomas holds it. St Peter of Gloucester had it in demesne until King William came to England’ (GDB 164c (Gloucestershire 2:4)); ‘St Peter of Gloucester held Northleach, and Archbishop Ealdred held it with the abbey’ (GDB 164c (Gloucestershire 2:8)); ‘Archbishop Ealdred held Standish. It belonged to the demesne of St Peter of Gloucester’ (GDB 164c (Gloucestershire 2:10)). The remainder of the endowment of St Peter’s Gloucester is recorded in a separate fee later in the Gloucestershire Domesday (GDB 165c−d (Gloucestershire 10:1−14)). The evidence is ambiguous, but for the purposes of the present analysis, it has been assumed that Ealdred enjoyed a life interest of all four of these estates TRE. 

Hampshire

The Hampshire Domesday attributes a single estate to Archbishop Ealdred. This was also the subject of a title dispute in 1086. The entry in question is recorded on a separate sheet, which is much smaller than the usual Great Domesday page size, and reads as follows:

Archbishop Thomas holds in the manor of Mottisfont 1 church and 6 chapels, with all customary dues from the living and the dead … There belong to this church 5 hides less 1 virgate. His predecessor held it of King Edward in the same manner (antecessor eius tenuit similiter de rege edwardo) … 1 close in Winchester, rendering 30d. From these 5 hides, the king’s reeves took 1 hide, and 12 ½ acres of meadow, and a grove, and a pasture, as the hundred declares. Cava the reeve did this without the knowledge of Hugh de Port (GDB 42a (Hampshire 4:1)).

A Hampshire writ-charter preserved in the York archive suggests that the disputed hide was subsequently restored to the Archbishop Thomas. This notifies the Hampshire shire court that King William has restored one hide at Mottisfont in Hampshire to Archbishop Thomas ‘as Archbishop Ealdred held it in the time of King Edward’. It goes on to say that this was ‘determined by the men of the shire in the presence of the bishop of Durham and Bertram de Verdun’ (Bates 1998: no. 358). Now, it is known that Bishop William of Durham was closely involved with the Domesday survey (Chaplais 1987); so it is therefore likely that the dispute heard in his presence was a session of the Domesday inquest. As Barlow has observed: ‘This estate was obviously to provide the archbishop with a hospice when he visited Winchester, and a house in that city was attached to the church’ (Barlow 1963: 191).

Devon

Archbishop Ealdred held two estates in Devon TRE which are attributed to Tavistock Abbey in 1086 (GDB 103d (Devon 5:12−13)). The text simply states that Ealdred tenuit these estates without describing the nature of his tenure. One possibility is that Ealdred held them freely, perhaps through inheritance, and bequeathed them to Tavistock; another is that he acquired a life interest in these estates during his time as abbot of Tavistock, and retained that interest for life; yet another is that these estates were his provision his role as coadjutor for Bishop Lyfing, see Finberg 1969: 4). Since Ealdred is known to have retained property pertaining to the endowments of St Peter’s Gloucester and St Mary’s Worcester after leaving office, it is not unlikely that he made similar arrangements with Tavistock; and on this basis, the present analysis assumes that Ealdred held these two estates in dependent tenure from Tavistock.

Cornwall

We have seen that King Edward granted Bishop Ealdred land in St Keverne, Cornwall in 1059 (S 1027). The corresponding entry in Domesday Book records that the canons of St Achebran held this estate in 1086, and held it TRE; the estate comprised eleven acres of land and was attributed a value of 40 shillings TRE (GDB 121a (Cornwall 4:23)). It is unclear precisely how the canons of St Achebran acquired this estate. One possibility is that Ealdred simply acted as a conduit to enable the land to be booked to the canons of St Achebran (Insley forthcoming). Whatever the case, the Domesday entry does not give any indication that Ealdred retained any interest in the estate in 1066.

Urban property

In addition to his rural holdings, Archbishop Ealdred possessed substantial property rights and privileges in towns. By far the best documented case is that of York. This first entry in the Yorkshire Domesday reads as follows:

In the city of York in the time of King Edward, besides the shire of the archbishop, there were six shires. One of these has been laid waste for the castles. In five shires there were 1, 418 inhabited messuages. Of one of these shires the archbishop still has a third part. In these no one else had customary dues unless as a burgess, except Mærleswein in a house which is within the castle, and except the canons wherever they dwelt; and except four judges, to whom the king gave this gift by his writ and for so long as they lived. But the archbishop had full customary dues from his shire (GDB 298a (Yorkshire C:1a)).

The text goes on to list properties in the city held by various persons TRE and TRW, before returning to the archbishop’s scyra:

In the shire of the archbishop there were TRE 200 inhabited messuages, less 11; now there are 100 inhabited [messuages], both great and small, besides the court of the archbishop and the houses of the canons. In this shire the archbishop has as much as the king has in his shires (GDB 298b (Yorkshire C:21)).

The next entry describes a further parcel of property attributed to the archbishop in York:

In the geld of the city are 84 carucates of land, and each paid as much geld as one house in the city, and were [assessed] with the citizens for the three works of the king. Of these the archbishop has six carucates, which three ploughs could plough. These belong to the farm of his hall. This [land] was not inhabited TRE, but tilled in places by the burgesses; now it is the same. Of this land, the king’s pool destroyed two new mills worth 20s, and fully one carucate of arable land and meadows and gardens. TRE worth 16s; now 3s (GDB 298b (Yorkshire C:22)).

There follow three entries attributing a total of fifteen carucates to the canons (presumably of St Peter’s York) at Osbaldwick, Stockton-on-the-forest and Sandburn (GDB 298b (Yorkshire C:23−25)). Finally, a list of lords who had sake and soke, toll and team, and all customary dues TRE is followed by the following statement:

In the demesne manors the earl had nothing at all, nor the king in the manors of the earl, except what pertains to the spiritual jurisdiction, which belongs to the archbishop. In all the land of St Peter of York, and St John, and St Wilfrid, and St Cuthbert, and of Holy Trinity, in like manner, [neither] the king, nor the earl, nor anyone else, had any customary dues there (GDB 298c (Yorkshire C:36−37)).

These entries combine to show that Domesday York consisted of seven administrative districts known as shires; that the archbishop enjoyed full customary dues in one of these shires, which contained 189 messuages TRE; that the archbishop was further entitled to the ‘third penny’ of at least one other shire in the city; that the archbishop held land assessed at six carucates in or near the city, which generated a small revenue for his hall; that the canons held three vills close York to the east and north east of the city; that the archbishop and the communities of St Peter’s York, St John’s Beverley and St Wilfred’s Ripon enjoyed full customary dues in their estates throughout the shire; and that the archbishop enjoyed certain spiritual jurisdiction even over the estates of the king and earl.

A document preserved in the fourteenth-century Magnum Registrum Album of York Minster casts further light on these entries. This is an account of ‘The rights and laws which Archbishop T(homas) has throughout York, within the borough and without’, written in Old English and Anglo-Norman French. It is to the 1080s, and is not inconceivably a product of the Domesday survey; and although the customs it describes relate to the time of Archbishop Thomas, it is probable that similar customs obtained in Ealdred’s time. The document begins as follows:

That is first Layerthorpe, and on the north side Monkgate, and from Thurbrand’s house all as far as Walmgate, and all Clementhorpe and around St Mary’s, with sake and soke, with toll and team; and every third penny which comes up Walmgate and in Fisherthorpe, and the third penny from the fishery  … throughout the bishop’s ditch (?), and the third penny which comes from Layer Gildgarth. And every man who should come into York with merchandise, from east or north, south or west, with horses or wagons, let them pay toll to those whom by right they should pay it, to the king what he has by right, and to the bishop what he has. And let every man travel where he wants, either to the king’s shire or bishop’s shire, by God’s leave and the king’s. And whatever merchant comes into the bishop’s shire, and buy’s in the king’s shire, shall give the king toll, if there be anything liable to toll. And the man who comes into the king’s shire and buys in the bishop’s shire shall give the bishop the toll. And if any man should contract out of the bishop’s shire into the king’s shire, let the king have his [due], the bishop his; and similarly from the king’s shire in the bishop’s shire, let the bishop have his own and the king his own (Palliser 1990: 25; Rollason 1998: 211).

The first part of this passage apparently describes the limits of the archbishop’s shire, which was almost certainly topographically adjacent to the cathedral; the second clause seems to describe the parts of the city in which the bishop was entitled to the third penny; and the remainder of the passage seems to describe how further toll rights were divided between the king and the archbishop, depending on where transaction were made within the city (Dickens 1953; Palliser 1990: 11−12).

The same document goes on to supply a further passage describing the archbishop’s jurisdictional rights in the city:

All offences committed, whether by clerk or layman, that is, if the clerk wrongly announces a feast day or a fast day, and if the layman offends by perjury, or fornication, or injustice, which he commits within the borough or without, no reeve of the king or the earl shall have any profit from receiving fines for these offences, but only the bishop and the archdeacon, by God’s blessing and the bishop’s. And the bishop has two moneyers in York.

These texts relate in interesting ways to one another, and as we have seen, to the charters conferring privileges upon Archbishop Ealdred in the York archive (see above). 

Otherwise, Domesday Book supplies a disappointingly fragmentary record of Ealdred’s urban holdings. It records that ten burgesses in Winchcombe paying 65 pence pertained to Ealdred’s manor of Hampnett (GDB 168a (Gloucestershire 41:1); that two domus in Leicester pertained to the manor of Tur Langton (GDB 230a (Leicestershire C:7)); and that a haga in Winchester worth 30 pence per annum pertained to the manor at Mottisfont (GDB 42a (Hampshire 4:1)). That this constitutes an incomplete list of Ealdred’s urban property is suggested by a text known as ‘Evesham K’, a text datable in its transmitted form to c. 1100, but which contains matter closely related to the Domesday survey: for this records that that the archbishop of York had 60 burgesses in Gloucester, and the abbot of Gloucester had 52 (; Moore 1982: unpaginated appendix, EvK).

Concluding remarks



William of Malmesbury described Ealdred as uir multum in secularibus astutus nec parum religiosus (‘a man wily in secular affairs, but not without piety’) (Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 34−5). His intention was presumably to damn Ealdred with faint praise; but by alluding to his achievements in religious life as well as the world of politics William arguably gave Ealdred a fair epitaph. 

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